“Tajines” do not represent the majority of the French people.

The period is for “casseroles”: no minister can move normally in France, some even cancel their visit, boo Emmanuel Macron wherever he goes … Should he continue this tour of France in such an atmosphere?

The pension law has been passed, but as he himself recently explained in an interview with the readers of “Parisienne”, the President of the Republic considers that he did not say enough on this subject during the debate on this reform. He does so now by going to meet the French. This is a necessary requirement to present them with future government projects. As he said, the country must now move forward.

No doubt. But can we in “100 Days” overcome the mistrust, even hatred that is expressed in every paragraph of a member of the executive branch?

It must first be emphasized that these ‘casseroles’ are most often organized by groups of individuals who do not accurately represent the majority of the French people. Then the president himself admitted during his speech that there is discontent in the country. It is therefore natural that this discontent be expressed, while respecting public liberties and republican legitimacy.

Finally, we must not close our eyes: there is a historic level of mistrust towards all elected officials, and this is a French idiosyncrasy. The feeling that we “don’t count, aren’t listened to, and are lied to” fuels populism around the world as well as at home. This distrust can take the form of a somber anger that would fuel an RN vote or an electric climate in which social acceptance of public decisions is difficult.

Emmanuel Macron, the atmosphere of the end of governance

CFDT General Secretary Laurent Berger spoke of a “democratic crisis”. He’s right ?

I prefer to talk about the crisis of representative democracy. In an unprecedented context of abstention and distrust of political leaders, citizens, especially the youngest, no longer wanted to leave them a “blank check” for five years. This is also why the tools of rational parliamentarism of V^H République is sometimes seen as illegitimate, even if it is perfectly legal. We need to find breathing mechanisms between political democracy, democratic socialism and opinion democracy to restore citizens’ confidence in their elected representatives and allow them to participate more actively in city life.

For institutions specifically, what do you expect from the potential reform mentioned during last week’s presidential address?

Citizens’ Pacts can be an interesting tool, as evidenced by the fact that the debate on the end of life has been so well done, that it obliges us, as parliamentarians, to continue the discussion. But the real issue, in my opinion, is the public work crisis. Inflated standards and multiplicity of stakeholders in the same issue weaken responsibilities, and thus responsiveness and speed of action. There are far too many ‘coxswains’ who take on weary ‘rowers’ trying to get on. The resignation of 1,300 mayors since 2020 is a very worrying sign in this regard: it is clearly a sign of the difficulties they face on the ground, which come from both the state and their constituents. Everyone should have more confidence in the actors to act as the decision has to be made.

“There are no winners or losers,” said Prime Minister Elizabeth Bourne after the basics of pension reform were approved by the Constitutional Council. Do you share this opinion?

Yes. I totally agree. Everyone has been weakened in recent weeks.

But despite everything, the unions lost …

France is a living being: when one part is affected, the whole does not go well. That is why the matter of action is necessary. It goes through a paid job, public services that work and respect each of the common base. We have to take care of social justice and republican power. Today, to rethink business, to succeed in the challenge of carbon-neutral manufacturing, we need both the world of economics and the world of work. We need to find the right balance between representative democracy and social democracy.

The Republic is inundated: How can Macron rule now?

According to Laurent Berger, to reconnect with the unions it will be necessary first to define the modus operandi. Introduce the idea of ​​”co-construction”. A priori, it is not Emmanuel Macron’s style that favors counseling, even simple counseling…

The idea of ​​co-building does not strike me. It does not fit into French culture. Therefore, I believe more in the power of social negotiation: on the basis of the path and timetable set by the executive authority, the different parties establish a diagnosis and find converging solutions, without sweeping under the rug what they oppose. Agreements resulting from social negotiation often lend further legitimacy to texts intended for parliament.

Is this the way to understand the “new alliances” that the president spoke of?

exactly. Take, for example, the case of the National Agreement on Value Added Sharing that was signed a few weeks ago by employers and all trade unions except the CGT. It makes real progress. The President and Prime Minister intend to give her a speedy legislative translation. This method can be applied to the future work law. We take more time, but we go further.

After Pensions, the Minimum Value Sharing Act?

Is there, in your opinion, a danger of union extremism after announcing the departure of the “reformer” Laurent Berger as the head of the CFDT union? Wouldn’t the task be more complicated for the executive branch?

I have a lot of respect for Laurent Berger. He made the CFDT the first trade union center in the country and branded the whole social movement with his democratic and reformist imprint. It will be necessary to be vigilant in the face of attempts at political recovery, so far unsuccessful, in La France. But we have to trust the continuity of trade union organizations and the richness of their contributions to the public debate.

Among the priority files mentioned by the president, regardless of the issue of work, there is the school. The Minister of National Education wants to promote social diversity there and wants to impose quotas in private education under a contract. what do you think

The issue of social diversity is important, because there is a great social variance between institutions. But first we must ask ourselves the question of why so many parents want to enroll their children in special education. No doubt because they feel that the Republic School does not exist. I am thinking, for example, with regard to college, of the abandonment in 2015 of European classes, or of the weakening of the teaching of Latin and Greek, which has accelerated the flight to private institutions.

Pape Ndiaye put to the test in the private sector

Therefore, the priority must be to improve the transfer of knowledge and the recognition due to our teachers, which the President announced by adding the independence of the institutions. In short, to make public school attractive again.

After last year’s legislative elections, François Bayrou pleaded that the future prime minister should have a “political” image and that there be more “real” politicians within the government. Should the percentage of ministers from civil society be reduced?

I do not oppose politicians from civil society and elected officials. When you are engaged in association, entrepreneurship, salaried or union activities, you may not be elected, but you have real knowledge of a particular subject or area. It is also of great value.

What seems necessary to me, on the other hand, is to remember that a political leader is not an expert, limited to his own specialization. A politician is someone who is able to tie together a country’s problems and maintain a clear vision of the path we want to take. He must know how to listen and pick up on weak signals before he decides, without locking himself in a social bubble; Learn how to breathe energy and get the whole group on board. I think politics is not a profession as it is often said. Rather, it is knowing how to put it at the service of our citizens.

“She Doesn’t Want to Take Pensions”: New Elizabeth Bourne Trial Period

In recent weeks we have witnessed a certain cacophony within the government, personal initiatives, to the point that the Prime Minister has had to invite some of its members into the system, such as Eric Dupond Moretti or Marlene Schiappa who appeared in Playboys. Did Elizabeth Bourne do well?

The force serves. Being an elected deputy or a minister must entrust you with the confidence of our fellow citizens. It is an obliging job.

Should we also change the way the executive is managed? Should the Elysee and Matignon change their methods of governance?

To work well with a relative majority in an assembly, you either need a coalition government contract, which is not in French culture, or a text-to-text majority. This last method can give a sense of uncertainty about the meaning of our actions. That is why the President and Prime Minister recalled our course: Labor, Public Services, Republic. But this method has already enabled us to make progress on topics as diverse as nuclear power or unemployment insurance.

In the National Assembly, and notwithstanding the natural quarrels that may persist between the various political groups, we must take into account the amendments of the oppositions when they seem wise to us, and not reject them, especially when they are tolerated on our part. presents itself. This is the approach that seems to me the most positive in the current situation. No one, on any side, has a monopoly on good ideas.